As leading nations in advanced AI, China and the United States have a broad space for cooperation in talent cultivation, scientific research exchange, and setting standards for AI regulation. Seeking common ground while respecting differences and building trust should be the core principles of governance in the era of AI.
by Wan Fang
In his keynote speech at the opening ceremony of the 10th ministerial conference of the China-Arab States Cooperation Forum, Chinese President Xi Jinping pledged to work with Arab countries to put in place "five cooperation frameworks," including strengthening cooperation in the field of artificial intelligence (AI) and promoting a broad-based global governance system on AI.
Xi's comments coincide with the growing consensus among countries on the need to establish a global governance system for AI. In early March, the United Nations adopted a resolution, titled "Seizing the opportunities of safe, secure, and trustworthy AI systems for sustainable development." This resolution aims to bridge digital divides between and within countries to accelerate the attainment of sustainable development goals.
U.S. Secretary of State, Antony Blinken, recently delivered a speech on "Technology and the Transformation of U.S. Foreign Policy," pledging the country's commitment to "digital solidarity" for a vibrant, open, and secure technological future. However, recent U.S. actions appear to go against this objective.
In early May, the Enhancing National Frameworks for Overseas Restriction of Critical Exports Act was introduced in the U.S. House of Representatives. This Act, if passed into law, would strengthen the White House's control over the export of AI technology.
Not only would it restrict the export of open-source large language models and other AI systems that would pose a serious risk to U.S. national security or foreign policy, a potentially broad category susceptible to wide-ranging interpretation, it would also mandate special licenses for "U.S. persons" to take up job posts in machine learning, AI training, and other related fields -- in some cases, both inside and outside the U.S. -- setting up a one-way barrier for talent exchange in AI.
Following Chinese computer manufacturer Lenovo's announcement of a strategic partnership and investment agreement with Alat, a sci-tech company owned by the Saudi Public Investment Fund, to establish a regional headquarters in Riyadh for the Middle East and Africa (MEA), the United States has reportedly slowed down its issuance of licenses to companies such as NVIDIA and AMD for large-scale exports of AI accelerator chips to the Middle East.
Cooperation and dialogue among nations are necessary to achieve common goals for sustainable development. Engaging in an AI "arms race" will pose a significant challenge to sustainable development worldwide, and widening disparities will lead to more geopolitical conflicts, mutual distrust and digital divides. Countries with significant developmental advantages have a responsibility to assist and support those that are comparatively less developed.
Restricting the free flow of technology and talent under the guise of national security is, in fact, symptomatic of a Thucydides Trap in the era of AI. Although aligning values regarding AI at the international level remains a challenge, the moral and technical risks associated with AI, such as biases, discrimination, and misinformation, are collectively experienced.
As leading nations in advanced AI, China and the United States have a broad space for cooperation in talent cultivation, scientific research exchange, and setting standards for AI regulation. Seeking common ground while respecting differences and building trust should be the core principles of governance in the era of AI.
We share common difficulties, and the future of humanity is interconnected. Whether inventing imaginary enemies to prop up the policy of "small yard, high fence" can foster digital solidarity is a question worth pondering.
Editor's note: Wan Fang is the director of China Law Society Cyber and Information Law Society, professor of Beijing Foreign Studies University, and an expert at Wuhan University Academy of International Law and Global Governance.
The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Xinhua News Agency.■
